{"id":20575,"date":"2016-06-07T09:41:29","date_gmt":"2016-06-07T13:41:29","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/dplf.org\/en\/?p=20575"},"modified":"2024-09-06T09:49:47","modified_gmt":"2024-09-06T13:49:47","slug":"venezuela-should-revoke-emergency-decree","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/dplf.org\/en\/2016\/06\/07\/venezuela-should-revoke-emergency-decree\/","title":{"rendered":"Venezuela Should Revoke Emergency Decree"},"content":{"rendered":"

The international community should press Venezuela to revoke the recent \u201cState of Exception and Emergency Decree\u201d that granted the government powers to restrict rights, suspend international cooperation for civil society groups, including human rights organizations, and limit the constitutional powers of the National Assembly, 125 human rights and civil society organizations from around the world said today.<\/strong><\/p>\n

The groups emphasized that these powers could be used to seriously undermine the work of civil society organizations and harass and intimidate human rights defenders, noting that the measures are inconsistent with Venezuela\u2019s obligation as a member of the UN Human Rights Council to \u201cuphold the highest standards of human rights\u201d. The groups called on states to raise these concerns during the upcoming UN Human Rights Council session in June 2016, and governments in the Americas to carry out a candid assessment of the human rights situation in Venezuela before competent Organizations of American States (OAS) bodies. The OAS and United Nations human rights systems should request Venezuela to revoke the state of exception and economic emergency decree, the groups said.<\/p>\n

On May 13, 2016, President Nicol\u00e1s Maduro adopted an emergency decree that declared a state of exception in the country for 60 days, granting his government the power to potentially restrict human rights. Venezuela is facing an economic crisis, with severe shortages of medicines and basic goods, as well as electricity shortages, which the decree states it aims to address.<\/p>\n

President Maduro claims that the emergency measures are in response to concerns including a foreign-led plot to destabilize his government. The May 13 decree authorizes the president to \u201cadopt measures and execute special security plans that guarantee the sustainability of the public order when faced with destabilizing actions\u201d and \u201cany other social, environmental, economic, political, and legal measures he deems convenient.\u201d In the past, the Venezuelan government has responded to alleged \u201cdestabilization\u201d plots by jailing opponents and critics clamping down on the expression of dissent and the right to freedom of assembly, including through arbitrary arrests of political opponents and critics, and the weakening of the safeguards against torture. Security forces have used excessive force to disperse anti-government demonstrations, and have participated in nationwide security operations since July 2015 that led to widespread allegations of abuses against low-income and immigrant communities, including extrajudicial executions, massive arbitrary detentions, evictions without due process, destructions of homes, and arbitrary deportations.<\/p>\n

The decree does not meet international standards to restrict rights during states of emergency, the groups said. Under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, governments do have the power to \u201cderogate,\u201d or temporarily suspend, some of their human rights obligations by declaring a state of emergency \u2013 but only in the face of a public emergency that \u201cthreatens the life of the nation.\u201d Even then, governments may only derogate from human rights obligations to the extent \u201cstrictly required by the exigencies of the situation.\u201d Instead, President Maduro\u2019s broad decree could enable the government to further undermine basic rights that are already under sustained assault in Venezuela, including the rights to freedom of association, assembly, and expression.<\/p>\n

The emergency decree also instructs the Foreign Affairs Ministry to suspend all international cooperation agreements that provide funding to individuals or organizations when \u201cit is presumed\u201d that such agreements \u201care used with political purposes or to destabilize the Republic.\u201d In a country where authorities have routinely accused civil society representatives, including human rights defenders, of destabilizing Venezuelan democracy, this order could effectively force key Venezuelan independent organizations, which rely on foreign funding to work independently, to shut down or dramatically scale back their work.<\/p>\n

In addition, the emergency decree allows the president to block the National Assembly from using its constitutional powers to sanction government officials. The Venezuelan Constitution grants the National Assembly oversight powers over the executive branch, including the power to summon officials to be questioned about their policies and practices by legislative committees and \u2013 in the case of the vice president and cabinet ministers \u2013 to remove them from office through a no-confidence vote. The May 13 decree allows the president to impose a \u201ctemporary suspension\u201d of accountability mechanisms of this kind if he deems they could \u201cundermine national security\u201d or could \u201cobstruct the continuity of the implementation of economic measures for the urgent reactivation of the national economy [or] the provision of essential goods and services to the Venezuelan people.\u201d<\/p>\n

The Venezuelan Constitution requires National Assembly approval of decrees declaring states of emergency. The National Assembly rejected the new emergency decree on May 17. However, the Supreme Court ruled in February 2016 that National Assembly rejection of decrees declaring states of emergency does not \u201caffect the[ir] legitimacy, validity, and juridical efficacy.\u201d<\/p>\n

Since the government\u2019s political takeover of the Supreme Court in 2004, the judiciary has ceased to function as an independent branch of government, and has routinely validated the government\u2019s policies and practices that fail to meet international human rights standards. The National Assembly, which was controlled by government supporters for most of the past decade, repeatedly enacted \u201cenabling laws\u201d granting the president broad powers to legislate. It repacked the Supreme Court, most recently in December 2015, to ensure that a loyal court remained in place. Since the new opposition-controlled National Assembly took office on January 5th, 2016, the Supreme Court has adopted a series of rulings that severely undermine its ability to legislate.<\/p>\n

The June session of the UN Human Rights Council provides a timely and necessary opportunity to press Venezuela to revoke this unnecessary and arbitrary decree.<\/p>\n

SIGNATORIES<\/strong><\/p>\n

International Organizations<\/strong><\/p>\n

APT, Association for the Prevention of Torture
\nArticle 19
\nCCPR, Centre for Civil and Political Rights
\nCIVICUS, World Alliance for Citizen Participation
\nDPLF, Due Process Law Foundation
\nHRW, Human Rights Watch
\nICJ, International Commission of Jurists
\nISHR, International Service for Human Rights
\nOMCT, World Organization Against Torture
\nPIDHDD, Plataforma Interamericana de Derechos Humanos, Democracia y Desarrollo
\nCPD, Cooperation for Peace and Development (Afganist\u00e1n)
\nADC, Asociaci\u00f3n por los Derechos Civiles (Argentina)
\nCELS, Centro de Estudios Legales y Sociales (Argentina)
\nRainbow Warriors Core Foundation (Aruba)
\nUniversity of New South Wales (Australia)
\nAid Organization (Bangladesh)
\nUDDYOG Foundation (Bangladesh)
\nAsociaci\u00f3n Nacional de la Prensa de Bolivia (Bolivia)
\nFundaci\u00f3n Construir (Bolivia)
\nLACCASO, Latin American Council of Aids Service Organizations (Brasil)
\nMovimento Ficha Verde (Brasil)
\nCambodian Development and Research Institute (Cambodia)
\nFAPEFE, Fondation des femmes actives pour la promotion de l\u00b4education de la femme et de l\u00b4enfant (Cameroon)
\nVoice of Grace Foundation (Cameroon)
\nGigascope (Canada)
\nUniversity of Ottawa (Canada)
\nCorporaci\u00f3n Humanas (Chile)
\nObservatorio Ciudadano (Chile)
\nComisi\u00f3n Colombiana de Juristas (Colombia)
\nDejusticia (Colombia)
\nIPLEX, Instituto de prensa y libertad de expresi\u00f3n (Costa Rica)
\nAction et Humanisme (Ivory Coast)
\nClimate Reality Project Cote d\u00b4Ivoire (Ivory Coast)
\nRevolution Congolaise (Democratic Republic of Congo)
\nCSMM, Centro de Documentaci\u00f3n en Derechos Humanos “Segundo Montes Mozo S.J.” (Ecuador)
\nINREDH, Fundaci\u00f3n Regional de Asesor\u00eda en Derechos Humanos (Ecuador)
\nKepa (Finland)
\nAction for Solidarity (United States)
\nWOLA, Washington Office on Latin America (United States)
\nMekelle University (Ethiopia)
\nInternational Institute for Child Protection (Gambia)
\nTamale International Folk High School (Ghana)
\nSEDEM, Seguridad en Democracia (Guatemala)
\nAssociation for Promotion Sustainable Development (India)
\nHumanity Welfare Forum (India)
\nIndia Media Centre (India)
\nTata Cummins (India)
\nNchekoua Business Consulting Club (Italy)
\nWomen Empowerment Group (Kenya)
\nSHIBL Movement (Libya)
\nAbogadas y Abogados para la Justicia y los Derechos Humanos (Mexico)
\nCentro de Derechos Humanos Miguel \u00c1ngel Agust\u00edn Pro Ju\u00e1rez, A.C. (Mexico)
\nCiudadanos en Apoyo a los Derechos Humanos, A. C. (Mexico)
\nComisi\u00f3n Mexicana de Defensa y Promoci\u00f3n de los Derechos Humanos, A.C. (Mexico)
\nJOINT, Liga de ONG de Mozambique (Mozambique)
\nYPDSN, Young Professional Development Society Nepal (Nepal)
\nCentro Nicarag\u00fcense de Derechos Humanos (Nicaragua)
\nARIJ, Applied Research Institute \u2013 Jerusalem (Palestine)
\nConsumo \u00c9tico (Panama)
\n\u00c1gora Espacio Civil Paraguay (Paraguay)
\nAsociaci\u00f3n Pro Derechos Humanos (Peru)
\nComisi\u00f3n de Justicia Social de la Di\u00f3cesis de Chimbote (Peru)
\nInstituto Peruano de Educaci\u00f3n en Derechos Humanos y la Paz (Peru)
\nInstituto de Defensa Legal (Peru)
\nIPYS (Peru)
\nMovimiento Manuela Ramos (Peru)
\nObservatorio Latinoamericano para la Libertad de Expresi\u00f3n (Peru)
\nPaz y Esperanza (Peru)
\nSAHDCG, Social and Humanitarian Development Consultative Group (Sudan)
\nALEJO Community Support Project (Zambia)<\/p>\n

Venezuelan Organizations<\/strong><\/p>\n

Acceso a la Justicia
\nAcci\u00f3n Solidaria en VIH\/sida
\nACCSI, Acci\u00f3n Ciudadana Contra el SIDA
\nAmigos Trasplantados de Venezuela
\nAsociaci\u00f3n Civil Movimiento Vinotinto
\nAVESA, Asociaci\u00f3n Venezolana para una Educaci\u00f3n Sexual Alternativa
\nCECODAP
\nCentro de Derechos Humanos de la Universidad Cat\u00f3lica Andr\u00e9s Bello
\nCentro de Derechos Humanos de la Universidad Metropolitana
\nCentro para la Paz y los DDHH – UCV
\nCEPAZ, Centro Justicia y Paz
\nCISFEM, Centro de Investigaci\u00f3n Social Formaci\u00f3n y Estudios de la Mujer
\nCIVILIS Derechos Humanos
\nCODEVIDA, Coalici\u00f3n de organizaciones por los derechos a la salud y la vida
\nCOFAVIC, Comit\u00e9 de Familiares de las V\u00edctimas de los Sucesos de febrero-marzo de 1989
\nColegio Nacional de Periodistas
\nComisi\u00f3n De Justicia y Paz
\nComisi\u00f3n Nacional de DDHH de la Federaci\u00f3n de Colegios de Abogados de Venezuela
\nCONVITE
\nEspacio P\u00fablico
\nEXCUBITUS A.C.
\nExpresi\u00f3n Libre
\nFederaci\u00f3n Nacional de Sociedades de Padres y Representantes (FENASOPADRES)
\nFEPAP, Fundaci\u00f3n Ensayos para el Aprendizaje Permanente
\nFuncamama
\nFundaci\u00f3n Aguaclara
\nFundaci\u00f3n Ecodiversa
\nFUNPAZ, Asociaci\u00f3n Civil Fuerza, Uni\u00f3n, Justicia, Solidaridad y Paz
\nININCO, Instituto de Investigaciones de la Comunicaci\u00f3n de la Universidad Central de Venezuela
\nINVESP, Instituto Venezolano de Estudios Sociales y Pol\u00edticos
\nIPYS Venezuela
\nJusticia y Paz Los Teques
\nLaboratorio de Paz
\nMar\u00eda Estrella de la Ma\u00f1ana
\nObservatorio de Derechos Humanos de La Universidad de Los Andes
\nObservatorio Venezolano de los Derechos Humanos de las Mujeres
\nObservatorio Venezolano de Prisiones
\nOficina de Derechos Humanos del Vicariato de Puerto Ayacucho
\nPostgrado en Comunicaci\u00f3n Social de la Universidad Cat\u00f3lica Andr\u00e9s Bello
\nProIuris
\nPROVEA, Programa Venezolano de Educaci\u00f3n Acci\u00f3n en Derechos Humanos
\nRed ARA
\nRed Rosa
\nREDAC, Red de Activistas Ciudadanos por los Derechos Humanos
\nREDSOC, Red Venezolana de Organizaciones para el Desarrollo Social
\nRevista SIC
\nRTSP, Comit\u00e9 por una Radiotelevisi\u00f3n de Servicio P\u00fablico
\nSer, Comunicaci\u00f3n e Investigaci\u00f3n
\nSinergia, Asociaci\u00f3n Venezolana de Organizaciones de Sociedad Civil
\nSNTP, Sindicato Nacional de Trabajadores de la Prensa
\nSOHI, Sociedad Hominis Iura
\nTransparencia Venezuela
\nUn Mundo Sin Mordaza
\nUni\u00f3n Vecinal para la Participaci\u00f3n Ciudadana
\nVenezuela Diversa Asociaci\u00f3n Civil<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The international community should press Venezuela to revoke the recent \u201cState of Exception and Emergency Decree\u201d that granted the government powers to restrict rights, suspend international cooperation for civil society groups, including human rights organizations, and limit the constitutional powers of the National Assembly, 125 human rights and civil society organizations from around the world […]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":16,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":"","_links_to":"","_links_to_target":""},"categories":[681],"tags":[],"country":[888,897],"issue":[860],"program":[873],"resource":[896],"class_list":["post-20575","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-news","country-america-del-sur","country-venezuela","issue-other-issues","program-transitional-justice-and-fight-against-impunity","resource-press-releases"],"acf":{"boton_1":"","url_boton_1\u00ba":"","boton_2":"","url_boton_2":"","boton_3":"","url_boton_3":"","boton_4":"","url_boton_4":"","boton_5":"","url_boton_5":"","boton_6":"","url_boton_6":"","boton_7":"","url_boton_7":"","boton_8":"","url_boton_8":"","boton_9":"","url_boton_9":"","boton_10":"","url_boton_10":""},"jetpack_featured_media_url":"","_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/dplf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/20575"}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/dplf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/dplf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dplf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/16"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dplf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=20575"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/dplf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/20575\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":20576,"href":"https:\/\/dplf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/20575\/revisions\/20576"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/dplf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=20575"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dplf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=20575"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dplf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=20575"},{"taxonomy":"country","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dplf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/country?post=20575"},{"taxonomy":"issue","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dplf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/issue?post=20575"},{"taxonomy":"program","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dplf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/program?post=20575"},{"taxonomy":"resource","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/dplf.org\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/resource?post=20575"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}